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Right to a Guaranteed Home is  Foundational Human Right: End Homelessness


'No human can be or stay human, if, they do not have a home, which, by the way, is the only avenue to see that someone is connected to their country:nation:people. If, one is homeless this person is cut out of his:her country:nation all together. The society must ensure everyone has a home from which no one can turn them away like the way no one can take their citizenship away so that each and every member of such a nation has a real stake in the country:nation. There is adversarial nonsense about it might be heard like intentional homelessness or this or the other. Everyone needs a home and it is the duty:job of the state and government to ensure that that is the case. For those, who have no home, have no connection to the nation they are supposed to be part of, even, if, they are citizens of that country:nation, they are, essentially, robbed off their citizenship.

'That disempowerment of the majority of the populace by way of ensuring that most people have no connection or stake to the society:state in which they live, since most people live on rented properties paying to enrich the private landlords and because of this they do not have any stake whatever to the nation they are supposed to belong. They become homeless simply because the landlords want them out and give them notice.

'This is the most profound of the all problems, that the United Kingdom faces, so does the world. Most people do not and can not own a home. They, simply, can never buy a home so that they have to live on rented accommodation, which is either social housing or private housing. Social housing has been diminishing and now been, effectively, wiped out. No more social housing. Now, there are homeless people, there are homeless floating people, there are old social housing renting people and the privately renting population. But in a nutshell, all these people, who do not own a home have no connection or stake to the nation.

Each and every single member of a nation must have a home that no one can take away from them. No government, no authority, no landlord, no parliament can take it away. The very way one’s citizenship to a country can not be taken away one’s home must not be taken away. Only than, truly, a nation can say that each and every member of it is connected to the nation and has a stake in it. Since without a home a human is, really, not a proper human. Abode is what a home is called in English. Abode is where one abides or resides. A home is to a human being is as the skin of a human physiology; without the home of the skin a human simply can not live or continue to be a human physically. And the place, the skin where one resides is the person of the humanity of that body, that lives within that person. Therefore, without an abode to abide a person is not a person proper as there can not live a human without skin.

It is the duty, responsibility, obligationand humanical imperative for society to provide each and every of its member with a permanent home; a home is the skin of a human being, which completes his:her person and it is absolutely deadly to take that skin away for this withdrawal or lack of skin ensures the ultimate perishing of that incomplete being. This is the ultimate and final yardstick of what civilisation is about. Homelessness and citizenship do not go together, can not go together.

If, one does not have a home and lives on the street one can not, even, vote in an election, one can not, even, get mails sent to them and one would have to go through, almost, impossible amount of obstacles, even, to get one’s lawful entitlement to a social security benefit. The social housing is not a charity; it is the certainty that one is part of a country and nation and one shall remain so. Social housing must, therefore, be provided for those, who do not have a home. They should pay a rent but that should be decided on a thirty year life-span like a mortgage and the government, then, invest that rent, putting all the rent together in the form of some investment:endowment, so that at the end of the thirty year period the rent should bring in a reasonable sum of money in one go. The government takes its rent out of it and take the rest as the final payment for the home and the person, then, becomes owner of that home. One can do the maths, if, one likes. If, one pays a rent, say, of 10,000 a year, in 30 years one would pay 300,000. If, each month’s rent is paid to, even, an endowment policy, this should pay a big sum at the end of it.

This way the government can renew its housing stock in every thirty years cycle. And, truly, the nation will achieve civilisation. This, can not be accepted as a satisfactory thing that humans, citizens of an advanced democracy live on the street and they are left there to die! This is not acceptable. This simply and utterly is not acceptable. People must not be forced to live on rented houses of private sector, where they live, as, if, they are committing a crime. They are given notice and they are chucked out. This is not acceptable at all. A person can not be a person unless a person has a home and unless a person is a person than he:she can not be part of a nation, that is made of persons. This is the other yardstick of civilisation that a nation ensures, through its state:government,  that each and every of its member is given a skin to complete that person’s becoming a true human being, who is capable of calling himself:herself a complete person because he:she has the skin to offer him:her a home.



|| The States of the Nation || With Homes: Minority || Without Homes: Majority|| The Home Owners || The Social Renters || The Private Renters || The Homeless at BBs and Temporary Accommodations || And the Rough-Sleeping Homeless on the Streets || The Majority of the Nation Belongs There From Where They All Share the Same Disconnection|| That Cuts Them Off From What is the Nation and the Country|| The Conservative Jingoistic Political Philosophy Has Nothing to Offer This Majority of the Nation || And the Media Propaganda Will Not Support the Cause of the Majority If They Let Themselves Be Manipulated So That They Take This General Election as Personality Assassination Game || Instead of Looking at What Kind of Political Philosophical Visions are Being Presented to Them by Different Parties in Relation to the Burning Issues of Today || Otherwise This Vast Majority Shall Wake Up in a UK After the Election That Will Continue to Devastate Their Lives || Accounts Committee Publishes Its Report: Housing: State of the Nation

|| This piece was published in The Humanion on April 29: 2017 || ά. The House of Commons Public Accounts Committee has published its report, Housing: State of the Nation. The report says that Government lacks ambition in addressing housing need and is dependent on 'broken' market. The number of homes built in England has lagged behind demand for housing for decades. The effects of this long-running shortfall in housing reveal themselves in the growing barriers people face in getting on the property ladder or simply affording their rent. The human costs are emphasised by the growing problem of homelessness, with the number of families living in temporary accommodation rising from 50,000 in 2011–12 to 72,000 in 2015–16. Almost 120,000 children in England live in temporary accommodation today.

The Department for Communities and Local Government, the Department, has an ambition to deliver one million new homes over the five years of this Parliament. But despite acknowledging that the housing market in England is 'broken', it remains dependent on the existing market, which is dominated by a handful of private developers, to realise its ambition. Even if this is achieved, the Department acknowledges that it will not come close to meeting the actual level of housing need, so problems of affordability and homelessness are likely to persist for years to come. The Department's lack of ambition on such a fundamental issue is matched by a lack of information, in particular, on the impacts and value for money of the roughly £21 billion the government spends each year on housing benefit.

The Department has recently published a White Paper outlining proposals for accelerating house building and we look forward to monitoring the development of its programmes.

The Department for Communities and Local Government leads on housing on behalf of the government. It has two strategic housing objectives: driving up housing supply, with the ambition of delivering one million new homes over the five years of this Parliament; and increasing home ownership. These objectives are supported by a range of interlocking programmes.

In February 2017 the government published a White Paper in which it acknowledged the housing market in England was 'broken' and had not been delivering enough houses to meet demand for many years. The results of this long-running shortfall in supply are that, in many areas of the country, housing has become increasingly difficult to afford. First-time buyers now on average need to borrow over three times their income, for example, and private tenants in London have seen rents go up twice as fast as earnings in a decade. Homelessness has risen since 2009–10, with more than 70,000 families in temporary accommodation at the end of March 2016.

Total government spending on housing stood at approximately £28 billion in 2015–16. Of this, around three-quarters, £20.9 billion, went on housing benefit, which subsidises the costs of rented accommodation in both the social and private rented sectors. This means that the majority of government spending on housing does not directly support either of the Department’s strategic priorities for housing, neither driving up housing supply nor increasing home ownership.

Both the Department for Communities and Local Government:the Department and Department for Work and Pensions:DWP stressed that housing benefit does make a significant indirect contribution to house building, by providing a revenue stream, against which, housing associations can borrow to finance the construction of new homes. In 2015–16 the total amount of housing benefit, which went to housing associations was £08.4 billion. However, DWP was unable to provide any figures for how much private capital this leveraged in, nor how many new homes resulted from it.

Before 2011 and the introduction of the Affordable Homes Programme, the Department used to do more to directly finance the construction of housing: as DWP explained, this 'involved very significant amounts of government capital grant going to fund affordable housing with a lower ongoing rent'. From 2011, meanwhile, the Department simultaneously reduced grant funding and allowed social rents to increase, Shelter suggesting that it had been a government policy choice that 'housing benefit was there to take the strain'.

In 2012 the previous Committee of Public Accounts questioned whether this would deliver better value for money, given that the rise in housing benefit spend would shift costs from one department to another. DWP argued that there were two advantages of this policy: first, it levered in capital finance, that was outside public spending and second, by not directly funding construction, it meant government subsidy was not 'baked into the bricks and morta'. This meant it could respond to people’s changing circumstances, if someone’s income increased, that is, their housing benefit could be reduced, unlike a capital grant, which would already have been spent in building a new home.

In 2015–16 tenants in the private rented sector received £08 billion in housing benefit, a rise of £03.6 billion in real terms compared with 2007–08. For the Chartered Institute of Housing, this illustrated the effects of the 2008 financial crash and the ongoing problem of wages relative to housing costs since then.

According to the London Borough of Newham, private sector rents in the Borough rose by 40% between 2011 and 2015, while wages stagnated. The Department was aware that in some other countries the state regulated private rents and spends much less on housing benefit but confirmed that it was a policy position of the Government to allow the market to set private rental levels in England.

The Department was aware that private rents had been increasing but conceded it was 'quite tricky' to do something about it, suggesting the long-term solution was to build more homes. It did not suggest that housing benefit in the private rented sector could be levered to aid the construction of new homes, although there was discussion of a potential example of something similar occurring abroad.

In 2001, the Department set out standards, which defined a 'decent home', requiring homes to meet a statutory minimum standard, be in reasonable repair, have modern facilities and provide thermal comfort. These standards were accompanied by significant amounts of grant going to public sector housing to enable these improvements to be made. By 2013, the number of social rented homes adjudged to fall below these standards had been reduced by 01.1 million, meaning that some 85% of social rented units were deemed to be decent homes.

The social rented sector now has the lowest proportion of homes, 14% in 2014, that fail decent homes standards. In contrast, the private rented sector has the highest proportion of non-decent homes, at 29% of all private rented homes in 2014. In view of the poor quality of much private rented stock, local government stakeholders suggested that the Government was obtaining poor value for money from the £08 billion or so of housing benefit, with which, it annually subsidises private landlords.

We asked whether the Department had investigated using its housing benefit expenditure to leverage an improvement in standards in the private rented sector. The Department agreed that 29% of private rented homes failing the decent homes standards was too high and that it was a 'fair challenge' to ask about its decent homes strategy in this respect. However, it had a number of reservations about intervening to improve standards across the sector. Both the Department and DWP recalled that the Government had invested significant public money in capital grants to raise the standards of social rented homes in the early 2000s.

DWP suggested the challenge now was to find sources of additional funding, particularly, from the private sector, to invest in the private rented sector. The Department was concerned, meanwhile, that if landlords were required to raise standards at their own expense, then this might result in their charging higher rents or even taking their homes off the market for tenants in receipt of housing benefit.

Finally, the Department argued that there was a balance to be struck about how far to put up landlords’ potential costs, which would end up being reflected in rents and said it was not sure that a landlord receiving housing benefit meant that it therefore had a lever to ask for higher standards. The Department said that its preferred approach was to focus on the most egregious examples of bad practice in the private rented sector and had introduced a number of measures to tackle rogue landlords in the Housing and Planning Act 2016.

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  The Same Kite

Despite the diverging shapes frames and their variations
In which we come as we are formed to make our prints
Despite the coats of all that colours their shades textures
That we wear on which the genome carries on working

Geophysics the sun heat light gravity and the weather all
Sign their marks so that we change adapt go and grow
Despite our multitudinous tongues we speak in and sing
The same songs of sorrows same sonatas of wonders or joys

Despite the divergent themes dreams drives and strivings
At the core we are one one we are at the very central core
The core that cuts us to be the same kite in the heavens of

Our mother earth who sails her round blue boat lit aglow
By the sun and moon she marks her tiny sand-grain magic
Against the endless expanse of heavens where wonders sing

Munayem Mayenin: November 02:2015











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